Reflections and thoughts about public history, heritage and cultural memory from the recent trip to

TL;DR: During my honeymoon trip in Croatia and Montenegro, I reflected on how the legacy and heritage of Yugoslavia continue to shape public history, identity politics, and cultural memory in the region. From the “Red History Museum” in Dubrovnik to the Yugoslav-era architecture in Split and Tivat, I observed how history is preserved, repurposed, and often politically manipulated to fit modern narratives. The tension between remembering and reinterpreting the past, especially in light of the 1990s Yugoslav Wars, highlights the complex relationship between history and identity in these post-socialist states.

Last month, my wife and I spent our honeymoon in Croatia and Montenegro. This journey not only provided a much-needed respite but also deepened our reflections on the intricate relationship between history, identity, and memory in the former Yugoslav region. As we explored these countries, it became evident that the legacy of Yugoslavia remains to some degree connected to everyday life, manifesting through architecture, cultural symbols, and public spaces. I am sharing the following examples, reflections, and experiences in this text.
“Where do yugo, my love?”


Brutalist architecture and “jugonostalgija”
In Dubrovnik, we visited the “Red History Museum” (Muzej Crvene Povijesti), a private institution recognized by the government with a certificate for its exploration of Croatia’s socialist past within Yugoslavia. The museum’s collection of artifacts, from books to everyday tools, serves as a vivid reminder of a shared heritage that many in the region are both nostalgic for and eager to move beyond. The museum’s curated experience offers a nuanced engagement with public history, where the personal memories of visitors like myself and those with “jugonostalgija” (nostalgia for Yugoslavia) intersect with broader narratives of a bygone era.
Brutalist architecture in Split

Split, Croatia’s second-largest city, still bears the architectural marks of Yugoslavia’s influence, with numerous buildings reflecting the brutalist style of the 1960s to 1980s. These structures, some modernized and others still awaiting renovation, stand as monuments to a time when the state imposed its vision of modernity on the urban landscape. Traveling from Croatia to Montenegro, I was struck by the continuity in architecture and urban planning, which serves as a physical reminder of the shared history between these nations — a history that continues to inform their identities today.
Old Yugoslav-era garbage containers with EU-level information about waste and sustainability in Split

In Tivat, Montenegro, I was particularly intrigued by the juxtaposition of old and new. The town, once a military garrison for the Yugoslav navy, has a part of the town called “Porte Montenegro” transformed into a luxurious urban complex with high-story buildings, jet-set yachts, and hipster cafés and restaurants. Yet, remnants of the past, such as the old Yugoslav-era metal garbage containers still in use and are now policy-level connected with modern European Union initiatives on sustainability. This fusion of historical and contemporary elements reflects how cultural memory is preserved, repurposed, and sometimes exploited to serve new political and economic agendas.

The Partisans (Partizani)
Throughout our travels, we encountered several monuments from the Yugoslav era, commemorating the World War II partisan resistance movement. The 1990s Yugoslav Wars saw many of these “spomenici” (monuments) destroyed or defaced, particularly in Bosnia and Croatia, as new nationalist narratives and political organizations sought to erase or reinterpret the past. This selective memory, often manipulated by contemporary nationalist political elites, highlights the contentious role of history in shaping contemporary identity politics.
During the trip I was watching and explaining about it to my wife, the show “Partizani” (The Partisans), produced by Al Jazeera Balkans and edited by historian Hrvoje Klasić. The show, which features contributions from around 200 historians mainly from Europe, aims to educate a younger audience about the Yugoslav partisan movement’s fight against fascism and Nazi-German-led occupation of the country. Klasić argues that the 1990s wars significantly altered the public’s relationship with history, with new political regimes appropriating or erasing elements of the past to fit their narratives. This is evident in the way partisan fighters are now often celebrated for their nationalistic rather than socialist or communist ideals, reflecting a broader trend of sanitizing history to align with current ideological goals.
Via Granger

For example, Josip Kraš, a Croatian anti-fascist and labor union activist, played a significant role in the Yugoslav partisan movement during World War II. After the war, he became a symbol of resistance and social justice, with a popular confectionery company, Kraš, named in his honor. However, in the post-Yugoslav era, there has been a notable shift in how his legacy is portrayed. While Kraš is still celebrated as a labor leader and anti-fascist, contemporary narratives often bypass his affiliation with the Communist Party, reflecting a broader trend of reinterpreting historical figures to align with current nationalistic ideologies. This selective remembrance is indicative of how history is frequently recontextualized to support modern political agendas, often downplaying the socialist and communist elements that were central to these figures’ identities.
Via Instagram
During Yugoslavia, there was a funny phrase about Kras “He fought bravely and turned into a cookie”.

The Yugoslav partisans, led by politican and later leader of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito who grew up in a Croat-Slovene family, were a diverse and ideologically driven resistance movement that played a crucial role in the fight against Axis forces and their collaborators in the Balkans. The partisans brought together individuals from various ethnic and religious backgrounds — Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Muslims, and others — under a common cause: the liberation of Yugoslavia from fascist occupation and the establishment of a socialist state.
A monument on Korcula island is dedicated to partisans, consisting of Slovenes, Croats, and even Italians during the fighting in the 1940s.

Klasić points out that the idea of Yugoslavia was developed during the 19th century mainly by intellectuals in Croatia which at the time belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He argues that in the post-Yugoslav period, nationalist political elites have often attempted to rewrite or downplay the history of the partisans to fit their agendas. For instance, the contributions of the partisans are sometimes acknowledged, but their socialist and communist ideologies are minimized or omitted. This selective memory allows nationalist narratives to flourish while distancing the present from the Yugoslav past.

Sexuality, diversity, and community more important than the communist ideology?
Klasić has argued that the narratives surrounding the partisans pose a significant challenge to modern nationalist political parties in countries like Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia. The partisans fought not for narrow ethnic or nationalist goals but for a unified, multi-ethnic Yugoslav nation. This collective effort is at odds with the ethno-nationalist ideologies that have dominated the post-Yugoslav states, where national identity is often constructed in opposition to the multi-ethnic unity the partisans represented.
Finding time for love in the forest after combat actions.

One of the points explained in the show The Partisans is that the appeal of the partisan movement was broad, attracting young people, women, and Muslims for various reasons. Many young men and women were drawn to the partisans not mainly because of the ideology of international communism but by the promise of social and political change, including easier sexual relations regarding boyfriends-girlfriends, divorce, abortion, right to work, education, and vote for women.

For many, the partisans represented a chance to build a better future, free from the oppression of both the fascist occupiers and the pre-war monarchies. The partisans promoted gender equality, allowing women to take on roles that were previously denied to them in the traditional, patriarchal societies of the Balkans. Another example is that for many Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina, joining the partisans was a way to be more recognized, and accepted and to secure their place in the future Yugoslav state. The movement promised equal rights for all ethnic and religious groups, which was a significant departure from earlier politics.

Montenegro’s statehood day with NATO and partisans
The ongoing debates about public history, identity politics, and cultural memory in the post-Yugoslav states, where the legacy of the partisans continues to be a contested and politically charged issue. For example, Montenegro, a NATO member state, officially celebrates a communist-led uprising as part of its national identity, despite the apparent contradictions between Yugoslav communism and Euro-Atlanticism.
The early 1980s movie “13 Juli” made as a result of “socialist patriotism” public history usage in ex-Yugoslavia is shown yearly via public television channels in Montenegro.

Montenegro’s Statehood Day, celebrated on July 13th, reflects the nation’s history, particularly in how it navigates its identity between its socialist Yugoslav past and its current position as a NATO member. The choice of this date is rooted in two historical events: the recognition of Montenegro as a nation-state during the 1878 Congress of Berlin, and the 1941 uprising against Fascist Italian occupation, led by the Yugoslav Communist Party.

This dual commemoration illustrates a nuanced approach to public history and identity politics. On the one hand, the recognition by the Congress of Berlin marks Montenegro’s emergence as a sovereign state within the European diplomatic framework. On the other hand, the 1941 uprising is celebrated as an act of resistance, symbolizing the nation’s alignment with anti-fascist movements and, implicitly, its connection to Yugoslav socialism. What makes Montenegro’s celebration of this day particularly intriguing is the coexistence of these historical narratives within its modern national identity. As a member of NATO, Montenegro has embraced Euro-Atlanticism, yet it continues to honor a communist-led uprising, reflecting a form of cultural memory that does not entirely reject its socialist past. This fusion of opposing values of Yugoslav communism and the contemporary NATO alliance highlights how history can be selectively used or reinterpreted to serve present-day political and cultural identities. This usage — and sometimes misuse — of history reveals how cultural memory is continually reshaped to serve the present, often at the expense of a more nuanced understanding of the past.
Flags of Bol, Croatia, and the European Union on the island of Brac.

Old cities and modern alliances
Our trip was also about experiencing the older history and its traces in Croatia and Montenegro. The historic cities of Dubrovnik (Ragusa) and Kotor (Cattaro) represent the layered history of Italo-Slavic-Ottoman influences was palpable. These cities, once central to trade and diplomacy in the Adriatic region, now participate in European Union programs that promote regional cooperation. This blend of old and new underscores the enduring significance of shared history in shaping cultural and political identities in the region.
Before granting the status of heritage, UNESCO demanded that Kotor municipality to preserve history as it is, including the symbols of socialist Yugoslavia.

Kotor, located in Montenegro, has a history that dates back to ancient times, but its most prominent period was during the time of the Venetian Republic. As part of the Venetian maritime empire and later by Austro Hungarian Empire, Kotor was heavily influenced by Venetian culture, architecture, and administration, a legacy that is still visible in the city’s well-preserved medieval walls, narrow streets, and Venetian-style buildings. The town’s strategic location at the base of the Bay of Kotor (Boka Kotorska) made it a critical point of defense against invaders, and its fortifications are a testament to its historical importance throughout its history, Kotor was also influenced by the Byzantine Empire and later the Ottoman Empire, although it remained largely under Venetian control until the 18th century. This mix of influences has contributed to Kotor’s unique cultural heritage, which is recognized today as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The city’s blend of Byzantine, Venetian, and Slavic elements is reflected in its architecture, religious buildings, and cultural practices.
View on Dubrovnik’s old town, together with Earth Flag.

Dubrovnik, known as the “Pearl of the Adriatic,” was a powerful city-state that rivaled Venice during the Middle Ages. As the capital of the merchant-driven Republic of Ragusa, Dubrovnik was a hub of commerce, diplomacy, and culture, known for its skilled diplomacy that allowed it to maintain independence from more powerful neighbors, including the Ottoman Empire and Venice itself. The city was a melting pot of influences from the Mediterranean and beyond, which is evident in its stunning architecture, including the famous city walls, baroque churches, and Renaissance palaces. Dubrovnik’s role as a major maritime power is reflected in its robust trade networks that extended throughout the Mediterranean and into Europe. The city’s sophisticated governance system, with its elected councils and detailed legal codes, contributed to its reputation as a beacon of liberty and autonomy in a region often dominated by larger powers. We were delighted to take part in UNESCO sites in the Dubrovnik area and guided tours in the city as well as in Kotor are recommended.
An example of an EU-level coordinated and co-sponsored project focusing on social inclusion and rights.

Both Kotor and Dubrovnik played pivotal roles in the Adriatic’s history, serving as cultural and economic bridges between East and West. Their histories are intertwined with the broader narrative of Mediterranean trade, diplomacy, and cultural exchange. The Italo-Slavic-Ottoman influences that permeated these cities created a unique Adriatic cultural identity, marked by a shared history of commerce, conflict, and cooperation. Today, both cities are reminders of the powerful city-states that once dotted the Adriatic coast, their preserved architecture and cultural heritage serving as a testament to their historical significance. The influence of their past is still felt, not only in the cultural memory of the region but also in modern projects for regional cooperation, such as EU-funded initiatives that seek to strengthen ties between Italy, Croatia, and Montenegro.
Old telecom card phone boots in Split.

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